Facing the Climate Change Catastrophe: Continuing an Urgent Conversation

By Hikaru Komatsu, Jeremy Rappleye, and Iveta Silova

This blog was written by Hikaru Komatsu and Jeremy Rappleye (Kyoto University Graduate School of Education), and Iveta Silova (Arizona State University Center for Advanced Studies in Global Educationin response to the recent blog by Edward Vickers about the role of education in climate change. It responds to Professor Vickers’ critique and expands on the discussion paper presented by Professors Komatsu and Rappleye at the ASU Symposium on Global Learning Metrics in November 2018.

We welcome Edward Vickers’ response to our blog “Facing the Climate Change Catastrophe: Education as Solution or Cause?”. We see it as beginning of a much-needed discussion about whether dominant forms of conceptualizing education – ones rooted in the ‘modernist Western paradigm’ (Sterling et al., 2018) –are in fact a solution or a cause of the trouble we now face. While Vickers (2018) may have misread our initial intervention as “anti-western”, arguing that “blaming Western modernity is not the answer”, our intent was not blame. Instead, we believe that gaining some critical distance from Western modes of thinking and education –a particular cultural arrangement, not a universal phenomenon – is a crucial step for locating alternatives as we face the climate change catastrophe. We believe that it is more urgent than ever to reimagine education on a much wider scale and a far deeper level, considering alternatives beyond the Western horizon that can contribute to our collective efforts to think in new ways.Although we may not agree on particular strategies of addressing climate change, we are grateful for the chance Vickers’ response provides to continue this urgent conversation.

Anticipating that our forthcoming article in the journal ‘Anthropocene’ will provide a more thorough response as compared with the limitations of blog space, here we would like to simply clarify a few issues surrounding the data utilized by Professor Vickers. We appreciate that he included data of Ecological Footprint (EF) to assess the environmental impacts of different countries. The primary reason is that, as many readers will already know, EF is a more comprehensive parameter for environmental impacts than CO2 emissions: EF considers not only emissions of waste including CO2 but consumption of various materials. That said, we did find two issues with Vickers’ analysis. First, he did not clarify that there are two different types of EF or that the one utilized in his response does not seem relevant to the argument he is making. Second, he seems to have selected data for particular countries that directly support his conclusions, rather than look at the wider global picture.

Concerning the first point, EF is defined in two different ways. These two EFs are called EF of Production and EF of Consumption. EF of Production for a given country is calculated based on production of the country, while EF of Consumption is based on its consumption. If Country A establishes factories in Country B to produce industrial products and then imports the products back home, the EF of Production locates the environmental impacts of this production in EF for Country B (i.e., where the factories are located). In contrast, the EF of Consumption registers the environmental impacts of this for Country A where consumption takes place (i.e., where the demand for those products is and where they are consumed). Professor Vickers used EF of Production in his analysis, but we feel he should have used the EF of Consumption: one important issue to be clear on is how certain countries ‘export’ their environmental footprint abroadand thus obscure who is ultimately responsible. Here is one recent article focusing on China and the United States that illustrates some of the complex, troubling, and dirty issues involved.

Concerning the second point, Vickers appears to have selected countries with relatively low EF among the Western countries (e.g., Norway, not the United States) and those having relatively high EF among non-Western countries (e.g., South Korea, not Costa Rica). Note that EF of Consumption was 5.76 Earths for Norway, 8.59 Earths for the United States, 5.85 Earths for South Korea, and 2.48 Earths for Costa Rica. The issues he raises here are important to nuance – we agree – but we also think it is important to survey the situation more expansively beyond simple country-to-country comparisons.

So what happens when we utilize EF of Consumption instead of EF of Production and utilize data for all relevant countries? We defined the ‘relevant countries’ to be those with a sufficiently high life expectancy to eliminate potential arguments about the trade-offs between long, fulfilling lives and environmental sustainability. The variation in the degree of individualism among countries assessed by Hofstede cultural dataset explains 54% of the variation in EF of Consumption (Figure 1, Komatsu, Rappleye, & Silova, forthcoming). This strong relationship, as well as the fact that countries with such high degrees of individualism are observed primarily in Western Europe and North America (see Figure 4 of Komatsu & Rappleye, 2018), suggests the need to take seriously a working hypothesis –one among many, of course –that the Western historical-cultural-institutional-economic matrix potentially contains elements which may be environmentally detrimental. Moreover, to the degree to which ‘subjectivity’(i.e., self-construal) is linked to environment, it opens space for education scholars to work and think, rather than assuming that ‘education has nothing to with the environment’or simply rolling out narrow Education for Sustainable Development (ESD)-style curricular add-ons. This is a key issue moving forward: older analytical/theoretical models developed at a time when the environment was not an issue may end up hindering rather than helping our efforts to address the climate change catastrophe.

Figure 1.Relationship between individualism scores and Ecological Footprint (EF) of Consumption (Komatsu et al., Forthcoming). A high individualism score indicates a higher level of individualism. The unit of EF is “the number of Earths demanded” assuming that the entire world population consumes in the same way as the average person for a given country. Individual scores and EF of Consumption were derived from Hofstede et al. (2010) and the Global Footprint Network (2017).

On this point, we do feel that Professor Vickers’ suggestion that our work is somehow a resuscitation of “oriental wisdom” arguments is unfair and illustrative. The distinction between ‘independent’and ‘interdependent’ self-construalthat he seems to read as a mere refurbishing of Orientalism/Occidentalism tropes is, in fact, derived from several paradigmatic studies in the field of psychology. The major paper by Markus and Kitayama (1991) available here is one of the most widely cited papers across the entire social sciences over the past several decades, and is backed by rigorous empirical research (e.g., Heine & Ruby, 2010).  Their more recent paper (Markus & Kitayama, 2010) discusses the mutually constituting relationship between cultures and selves. These pieces underscore that culture cannot be reduced to simply ideological control mechanisms by political elites, as it is now so often portrayed within Anglo-American scholarship. Unfortunately, the insights provided by the Markus and Kitayama studies have not been widely discussed among education scholars, perhaps –at least in part –because the field continues to prefer the older analytical/theoretical model of the universal ‘human’, and views attempts to discuss different, culturally-mediated human experiences as a divisive move rather than something that opens up new imaginative horizons. Our point, of course, is not that the ‘East’ has the answers, but instead that recognizing difference allows us to gain the critical distance necessary for reimagining.

We hope that our response does not shut down but instead further stimulates dialogue among scholars, practitioners, and policymakers (on that note, see the emerging conversation around these issues generated by a recent symposium at Arizona State University). In closing, we appreciate Vickers’ willingness to engage and his effort to respond to our blog article. This sort of conversation is precisely what we need: a continuing exchange is more important than finding the ‘right’ answer. An open conversation can help us understand the issues more deeply and collectivelyformulate some workable ‘solutions’ to the difficult questionsposed to education by the climate change catastrophe. Thinking pragmatically is crucial in these perilous times. More to come from us, but we hope others will respond as well. Sincere thanks, Ed!

 

The authors can be reached at the following email addresses: Hikaru Komatsu (kmthkr@gmail.com), Jeremy Rappleye (rappleye.jeremy.6n@kyoto-u.ac.jp), and Iveta Silova (iveta.silova@asu.edu).

 

References

Global Footprint Network, 2017. Public data package 2017. http://www.footprintnetwork.org/licenses/public-data-package-free-edition-copy/.

Heine, S.J., Ruby, M.B., 2010. Cultural psychology. WIREs Cognitive Science1, 254–266. doi: 10.1002/wcs.7.

Hofstede, G., Hofstede, G.J., Minkov, M., 2010. Cultures and Organizations: Software of the Mind (3rd Edition). McGrow Hill, New York.

Komatsu, H., Rappleye, J., 2018. Will SDG4 achieve environmental sustainability? Center for Advanced Studies in Global Education (CASGE) Working Paper #4. https://education.asu.edu/sites/default/files/working_paper_4_final.pdf.

Komatsu, H., Rappleye, J., Silova, I., Forthcoming. Culture and the Independent Self: Obstacles to Environmental Sustainability? Anthropocene.

Markus, H.R., Kitayama, S., 1991. Culture and the self: implications for cognition, emotion, and motivation. Psychological Review98, 224–253. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/0033-295X.98.2.224.

Markus, H.R., Kitayama, S., 2010. Cultures and selves: A cycle of mutual constitution. Perspectives in Psychological Science5, 420–430. doi: 10.1177/1745691610375557.

Sterling, S., Dawson, J., Warwick, P., 2018. Transforming sustainability education at the creative edge of the mainstream: A case study of Schumacher College. Journal of Transformative Education 16 (4), 323-343.

Learning from the Center for Advanced Global Studies (CAGSE) in Education Symposium at Arizona State University

Luis Crouch, RTI International & Silvia Montoya, UNESCO Institute for Statistics

We are very happy to have been invited to a Symposium on Innovations in Global Learning Metrics, sponsored by CAGSE, in November 2018. Silvia Montoya and Brenda Tay-Lim from the UNESCO Institute for Statistics (UIS) wrote a paper on “Options in achieving global comparability for reporting on SDG 4” and Luis Crouch presented for them due to their unavailability. We received excellent written pre-symposium commentary from Kadriye Ercikan (University of British Columbia), Tünde Cerović (Belgrade University and Open Society Foundations), Radhika Gorur (Deakin University), and William Schmidt (Michigan State University), as well as many live comments from the group. The paper and written comments are here.

In this blog we want to engage with the commentary—not just respond in a simple way to specific points. One of the broad discussion questions that arose was how researchers and academics can contribute more to policy directions and to policy critique. It’d be a bit off track to engage in that a lot now—maybe in some other blog or venue. But one simple, direct step is for us non-academics to simply engage in the discussion. That is why we are writing this blog.

First, the UN (and other) institutions who are custodians of the measurement at this point have a mandate. There is not much choice but to follow that mandate. The UN system is a membership organization and the member countries ultimately dictate. The measurement and tracking of performance, for a set of fixed indicators, and in a manner that is as standardized and comparable as reasonably feasible, are now a mandate, given to the custodian agencies. The language is very specific: “Global monitoring should be based, to the greatest possible extent, on comparable and standardized national data, obtained through well-established reporting mechanisms from countries to the international statistical system” (p. 8/62, “Report of the Inter-Agency and Expert Group on Sustainable Development Goal Indicators).

As was wisely noted at the meeting, though, it is true that while this is a policy or even political mandate now given to the professionals, professionals (and academics) do shape the agenda and provide policy and political leaders with a sense of what is possible. Professionals can’t entirely “hide” behind a mandate. But we honestly think that, had the policy makers truly been responsive to a technocratic agenda instead of having opinions of their own, the indicators would not be nearly as demanding on us as they are. We are being forced to stretch, especially in areas such as adult learning, civic engagement and sustainability, and digital skills. We are not sure the public and NGO researchers and officials necessarily wished this difficult challenge on themselves.

But more importantly, and as was also wisely noted in the Symposium, professionals ought to have the moral courage to engage with their mandate, not just “obey.”

To us, one of the most important reasons to have comparability and standardization has nothing to do with efficiency or cost savings and accountability and so on, and has a lot to do with equity and social justice taking as a point of departure the contents and skills the kids/youths are entitled to. If we did not have the standardized and comparable measurements that we already have that allows us to talk based on a common language and understanding, for instance, we would not know some of the things we increasingly know, in a comparable and multi-country (that is, pretty generalizable) manner, such as that:

  • About half of the global cognitive inequality is between countries, and half is within countries, at least insofar as this can be measured using assessments. Knowing this should be helpful to both governments and development agencies in setting allocative priorities.
  • We have a much clearer sense of what it takes to reduce that inequality within countries—less so between them.
  • For instance, we increasingly know that factors such as wealth and ethnicity/ethno-linguistic discrimination or marginalization count for more, in driving cognitive inequality, than gender or (less clearly so) the “pure” urban-rural divide.
  • We also increasingly know that, because there is a lot of inequality (both between and within countries) that is unexplained by any clear “ascriptive” factors (gender, parental wealth, ethnicity), “simple” (but not really so simple!) lack of management capacity and quality assurance is a real problem. And data/evidence can help here, not just in setting policy but in managing and “moving the needle” on that policy.

You can’t know how much inequality there is, or what drives it, unless you measure it—with a standardized measurement stick, otherwise it is literally difficult to judge that two things are not of equal length. But, we also note that the ideal might be “as much localization as possible, as much standardization as necessary.” That is why UIS’s emphasis has been on supporting the comparability of existing (and future national) assessments rather than on backing, adopting, “imposing,” or even endorsing specific global assessments.

Second, it was noted that measurement isn’t really the issue—action by teachers and systems is. This is true, and we would certainly back the idea that there be more funding of the “improvement” function than the “measurement” function. However, improvement can more easily gain traction if one knows what is going on. (There is, of course, already far more backing of the “regular business” aspects of education systems: assessment would be a tiny fraction of that cost. However, there is under-investment in how one actually uses assessments—the right combination of assessments—to improve.) But there is still a measurement mandate aimed at making the problem visible so resources for improvement are dedicated , and, since there are efficiencies in specialization, institutions such as UIS (and their equivalents at WHO, FAO, etc.) have to focus on measurement . But perhaps such specialized bodies ought to reach out more, and support others whose mission is to use the data to support teachers (or doctors and nurses, agricultural extension agents, etc.). Along those lines, though, we also suggested (with tongue only partially in cheek) that perhaps international assessments ought to be less, not more, relevant, or at least less determinant. That is, they ought to be only a reference point (albeit a useful one), and national assessments ought to have center stage. This is UIS’s position.

A last major issue that was discussed, partly in reaction to the paper but partly also because it was “in the air,” was whether (and how, and why) policy research and academic input influence policy. Some were skeptical or pessimistic. Others not as much. In our view, there is impact. Not, perhaps, immediately. And few if any policy makers make decisions solely based on evidence. Nor is the impact of research typically traceable to particular academics, books, papers, or conferences—it is a much more diffuse process than that, which can contribute to the sensation that one is not having impact. And, of course, political economy and just plain politics have a lot of influence. But JM Keynes got it about right: “Madmen in authority, who hear voices in the air, are distilling their frenzy from some academic scribbler of a few years back… Not, indeed, immediately, but after a certain interval… soon or late, it is ideas, not vested interests, which are dangerous for good or evil.” We can cite a few examples or suggest ways to think about this that are more optimistic about research impact:

  • While politics and political economy play a role, no one likes to say so publicly. Policy-makers seldom say “Oh, that was a purely political decision.” They often pay lip-service to rationality, data, evidence, as well as, at least in democracies or semi-democracies, common sense round what is right and just. Academics and researchers can take advantage of this tendency to pay lip service and demand to be heard. In a similar manner, human rights get announced before they get enacted, and they get enacted partly because they were announced and someone then used that in order to push. As noted, it is not immediate, traceable to particular individuals, etc.
  • A good example is the case for girls’ education and the progress that was made over the last 40 years or so. Researchers were instrumental in this. There was not necessarily a political case. Nor was there that much grassroots pressure from villagers or even urban dwellers. On the contrary, our experience suggests that, with regard to these issues, the grassroots were pretty feudal or patriarchal. Researchers, social activists, both global and local, eventually had an impact.
  • It also helps if researchers are sensitive to issues, and gain the initial trust of policy makers by helping them with smaller, relatively short-term, and relatively less weighty matters, as a way of gaining the space to have impact on the more serious issues. This can happen with individual researchers, with think tanks, institutions, universities and centers such as CASGE. Admittedly, this is a long game, but social development does not happen overnight.
  • “Situation rooms” that show data and modeling in visually-striking ways can be helpful, under certain circumstances. Generally, only as “just one more input.” And if one is indeed not naïve about things and over-estimates the impact one is likely to have. Policy makers often react against what they see as too much naivete on the part of researchers, when they signal that they expect policy makers to act right away on the evidence presented. But in our experience, showing the impact of simulations in real time, in a policy discussion (e.g., projecting even a simple, Excel-based model on the wall) can be useful. This varies by bureaucratic culture, of course. And it is more useful if one can take the “situation room” (again, just a simple projection of a simulation model can be useful) to the policy makers rather than having the policy makers come to the “situation room”—unless they happen to be nearby.
  • Finally, it is also important to take on board the fact that it is usually local intellectuals and activists who will carry the day. UN bodies, as was noted, can’t really “make” governments take action based on data/evidence. But the data can support local intellectuals and activists who can pressure governments, e.g., in eliminating school fees, in increasing investment in the younger children, etc.

There is there is no time, resources, and energies in questioning the commitments themselves. The 2030 Agenda is a call for everybody. Academia is not the exception and initiatives such as the GPE’s KIX are stressing the relevance of knowledge exchange and areas where academia can play a critical role if focused on building human capacities at all levels.

Idiocy for All and the Rise of International Large Scale Educational Assessments

By Gustavo E. Fischman, Amy Topper, Iveta Silova

Almost any education-related topic seems to turn into an overheated debate, provoking very strong gut reactions and diminishing any hope for productive discussions that engage in careful analysis of contrasting perspectives and forms of evidence. This is certainly the case with International Large Scale Educational Assessments (ILSEAs), like PISA or TIMSS, which lack nuanced discussions and methodic analyses of their role in improving student achievement.

When reading major publications about the latest results of one of the many ILSEAs – research articles, newspapers, or blogs – it is clear that these assessments are often linked to the search for answers to various educational problems. However, there is little consensus among stakeholders about the policy value and relevance of ILSEAs.  In particular, are the results of ILSEAs being used by policy-makers to revise, plan, and execute educational reforms? What changes in national education policies and practices, if any, have been made in countries as a result of ILSEAs?

To answer these questions, we analyzed over a hundred research articles that narrowly focused on these questions and surveyed 90 scholars asking the same questions. Our research shows that it is almost impossible to establish any causal or direct relationship between ILSEAs and changes in educational policies. Nonetheless, we found very strong arguments made by researchers, academics, and policymakers asserting the existence of a direct relationship, although a caveat is needed. Some of the studies found a positive or beneficial relationship between ILSEAs and changes in educational policies, while others saw a negative relationship. (We will get back to the results of our study shortly).

As we already said, we should not be surprised by the polarization of our results. Politicians, researchers, teachers, administrators, students, and their families have very strong opinions and perspectives about what works in education, what needs to be fixed, and what the “fix” should be. Each of these stakeholders attacks the other using several arguments, but two of the most common are “You are an idiot; everybody agrees with my idea, which is just good common sense” coupled with a dismissive comment, “your idea lacks any evidence, and even if you have some, it is not as strong as mine.” In fact, it seems that when discussing education, the tendency to be idiotic is quite common, and in many cases proudly so. By “idiotic,” we are not referring to the common usage of somebody who is not very clever, but in the original meaning of the word in Ancient Greek, as Walter C. Parker (2005) explains:

…idiocy shares with idiom and idiosyncratic the root idios, which means private, separate, self-centered – selfish. “Idiotic” was in the Greek context a term of reproach. When a person’s behavior became idiotic – concerned myopically with private things and unmindful of common things – then the person was believed to be like a rudderless ship, without consequence save for the danger it posed to others. This meaning of idiocy achieves its force when contrasted with politës (citizen) or public. Here we have a powerful opposition: the private individual versus the public citizen (p. 344).

To understand the extent to which educational stakeholders are exhibiting idiotic attitudes towards ILSEAs, and education reforms more broadly, one would first need to examine the discourse around, and reactions to, ILSEAs and their results. Research on ILSEAs has primarily focused on student performance and disparities in outcomes by gender and socioeconomic status, with more limited research on stakeholder attitudes. Our recent research (reference), funded by the Open Society Foundation, sought to fill this gap by looking specifically at whether national-level educational stakeholders (e.g., ministries of education, national policymakers, other national political and social actors) value these types of international measures of student attainment and to what extent they have integrated ILSEAs into their work at the national level.

ILSEAs as Tools of Legitimation

Our exploratory review of the ILSEA literature found that policymakers appear to be using these assessments as tools to legitimate existing or new educational reforms, although there is little evidence of any positive or negative causal relationship between ILSEA participation and reform implementation. That is, educational reform efforts have often already been proposed or underway, and policymakers use ILSEA results as they become available to argue for or against new or existing legislation.

At the same time, results from our two surveys of ILSEA experts, policymakers, and educators pointed to a growing perception among respondents that ILSEAs are having an effect on national educational policies, with 38% of all survey respondents stating that ILSEAs were generally misused in national policy contexts. Interestingly, experts are generally more critical in their assessment of ILSEAs compared to non-experts, with 43% arguing that ILSEAs are often being misused.  They explain that policymakers have little understanding of ILSEAs and use them for “ceremonial effects,” while at the same time arguing that these assessments are too broad and decontextualized to be used meaningfully in national contexts. Based on their professional and personal experiences, respondents were divided over whether ILSEAs actually contribute or hinder national education reform efforts.

Figure 1. Survey respondents’ perceived impact of ILSAs/GLMs on national and global education policies

Note: Includes responses from both the expert and non-expert surveys.

Perhaps the most significant finding associated with the use of ILSEAs in the literature we reviewed is the way in which new conditions for educational comparison have been made possible at the national, regional, and global levels. Arising from large-scale international comparisons, these new conditions have given rise to many myths about education – whether presumed poor performance of all public schools is due to teacher (in) effectiveness, or the relevance of a causal link between ILSEAs results and economic growth, or, in more general terms, impeding education “crises” worldwide – which are increasingly taken as scientific truth (see Rappleye and Komatsu’s (2017) recent commentary about “flawed statistics” and new “truths” in education policymaking). These conditions also create an assumption of the existence of single and globally applicable “best practice” or “best policy,” which can uniformly inform policy-making and improve education in local contexts.  From our perspective, the challenge is to avoid the illusion of certainty that any quantitative measure provides. Granted the challenge is not easy to overcome because as Nobel Laureate Simon Kuznets (1934) affirmed:

With quantitative measurements especially, the definiteness of the result suggests, often misleadingly, a precision and simplicity in the outlines of the object measured. Measurements of national income (and we can add, of education) are subject to this type of illusion and resulting abuse, especially since they deal with matters that are the center of conflict of opposing social groups where the effectiveness of an argument is often contingent upon oversimplification. (pp. 5-7)

Our research shows that, on the one hand ILSEAs have the potential to provide governments and education stakeholders with useful and relevant modes of comparison that purportedly allow for the assessment of educational achievement both within cities, states, and regions, and between countries.  On the other hand, using idiotic lenses to analyze ILSEAs’ results – the good, the bad, and the ugly – without considering the strong influence of unequal educational opportunities in various contexts or acknowledging broader political or economic agendas driving the production and use of ILSEAs in education   – is dangerous.

Generating oversimplified narratives using ILSEAs, disregarding the different contexts and multiple obstacles, showing a lack of concern for the educational opportunities and rights of millions of children, and focusing all the energies on justifying your own opinions – while quickly discarding any counterevidence to legitimate your interests and benefits – is a genuine form of educational idiocy.  The best defense against educational idiocy? We already have discovered it, discussed it, experimented with it, assessed it, and considered the evidence: avoid the exclusive reliance on simplistic quantitative measures in determining education outcomes, shift attention away from short-term strategies designed to quickly climb the ILSEA rankings, implement proven strategies to reduce inequalities in opportunities to improve long term outcomes. Above all, stop pushing for education reforms based on a single, narrow yardstick of quality.

More than ever, we need to consider multiple types and sources of data, we need to explore more meaningful ways of reporting comparative data, we need to recognize the importance of the civic and public purposes of education, and we need to involve our diverse communities -parents, educators, administrators, community leaders, teacher union representatives, and students – in a public dialogue about what education is and ought to be about. Overcoming education idiocy would thus entail a return to the larger and more important educational questions than how a country performs on international large-scale assessments.

Acknowledgements

A shorter version of this essay appeared on Education International’s Worlds of Education blog.

References

Fischman, G. E & Topper, A. with Silova, I. & Goebel, J. (2017) An Examination of Perspectives and Evidence on Global Learning Metrics [Final Report for the Open Society Foundation]. CASGE Working paper 2. Tempe, AZ: Center for Advanced Studies in Global Education.

Fischman, G. E. (2016, May 12) The simplimetrification of educational research. World of Education, Blog of Education International.

Kuznets, S. (1934). National Income, 1929-32. U.S. Congress.

Parker, W. C. (2005). Teaching against idiocy. Phi Delta Kappan, 86(5), 344-351.

Rappleye, J. & Komatsu, H. (2017, July 6).  Teachers, “Smart People” and Flawed Statistics: What I want to tell my Dad about PISA Scores and Economic Growth, World of Education, Blog of Education International.

 

Interested in Knowledge & Impact stories from Mary Lou Fulton Teachers College? Read more today.

 

The Possibility and Desirability of Global Learning Metrics

In November 2016, the Center for Advanced Studies in Global Education (CASGE) and edXchange at Arizona State University hosted the Inaugural Symposium of the Comparative and International Education Society (CIES) in Scottsdale, Arizona. The Symposium addressed the theme “The Possibility and Desirability of Global Learning Metrics: Comparative Perspectives on Education Research, Policy and Practice.” The Symposium brought together academics, practitioners, policymakers, educators, and social activists for an alternating series of keynote plenary debates and parallel sessions about the desirability and feasibility of global learning metrics. The participants came from 61 institutions, 17 different countries, and 17 states within the United States.

We selected global learning metrics as the focus of the Symposium because it is a timely and increasingly challenging educational and political issue at the center of multiple global debates about the future of education. Learning outcomes have recently been enshrined as central policy objectives in the new international education and development agenda. Unlike goals that seek to universalize access for education, for which consensus is strong, debates around learning are considerably more contested. Proponents argue that more robust global learning metrics have the potential to reduce academic disparities and improve learning outcomes for children across different contexts. Critics note that such universal measures typically focus on a narrow assessment of basic skills, while overlooking the importance of a more holistic approach to education, including human rights, aesthetics, morality, religion, or spirituality. Others call attention to the dangers associated with the emergence of the data-fixated punitive accountability regimes, privatization and marketization of public education, and a growing disconnect between systems, actors, and larger pedagogic changes. Some critics warn that global learning metrics can contribute to enacting hegemonic neocolonial globalization.  More broadly, the debate about the global learning metrics reveals an underlying tension in our field – a tension between the desire to replicate and scale up “best practices” (and an assumption that there is a global consensus on what constitutes “good” education), on the one hand, and the awareness about the importance of context, and deeply culturally contextualized education practice, on the other hand. Bringing a comparative perspective to the disjuncture between replicability and contextuality is one way our field can contribute to education research and practice broadly.

This raises the central questions, which guided the organization of this Symposium: Are global learning metric desirable and are they feasible? How can learning among children be measured and compared across diverse contexts and systems? Which learning domains should be assessed and why? How is learning revised or reframed for those who have less power or less “value” in the society in which they reside? How, if at all, are learning assessments actually used by governments, nongovernmental entities, teachers, curriculum developers, and other stakeholders? The Symposium brought together a group of researchers, policymakers, practitioners, and activists for a focused intellectual and policy engagement around these questions. While not designed to forge consensus or alignment, the Symposium was a step towards linking together academic research and policy debates in order to enable critical reflection, innovation, and proactive action in the area of developing global learning metrics.

The Symposium featured 4 plenary keynote debates, which addressed issues ranging from the desirability and feasibility of global learning metrics to their potential to be pedagogically innovative and culturally responsive. In addition, we offered 3 workshops and 65 parallel presentations a range of topics related to Global Learning Metrics. The plenary keynote debates were recorded and are available for viewing below.

Plenary keynote debate #1: Are global learning metrics desirable?

Moderated by: Iveta Silova

Panelists: David Edwards, Education International; Eric Hanushek, Stanford University; Silvia Montoya, UNESCO Institute for Statistics; Karen Mundy, Global Partnership for Education

Learning metrics of any sort are necessarily politicized, as they raise issues with clear philosophical, technical and policy dimensions. The first keynote session of the symposium set the stage for the debate by focusing on the different actors and rationales behind the development of global learning metrics. The guiding questions included: Are global learning metrics desirable and why? What are the end goals of global learning metrics from the panelists’ particular disciplinary and institutional perspectives? Why do we need GLMs at this particular moment? What are the main political challenges and opportunities? Who should be in charge of the development of global learning metrics and who should pay for it? What role should nation-states, international agencies, NGOs, teacher unions, academics, and other actors play in coordinating efforts to develop global learning metrics?

Video: Watch Eric Hanushek and David Edwards debate about why we need GLMs now.

Plenary keynote debate #2: Are global learning metrics feasible?

Moderated by: Gustavo E. Fischman

Panelists: Monisha Bajaj, University of San Francisco; Aaron Benavot, UNESCO Global Monitoring Report; David C. Berliner, Arizona State University

Developing learning metrics is a complex and contested enterprise. It is one of the biggest political, pedagogical and technical challenges of contemporary educational systems. The second plenary debate focused on the feasibility of the development of global learning metrics, addressing the following questions: How can we measure and compare educational achievement and outcomes across diverse contexts and educational systems? Can GLMs capture educational outcomes beyond the basic numeracy and literacy skills? What balance can be sought between the assessment of basic numeracy and literacy skills and the measurement of learning related to informational technologies, citizenship, human rights, sustainability, aesthetics, morality, religion and/or spirituality? In other words, how can we measure what it often pronounced as “too difficult to measure” though it is at the core of teaching and learning?

Plenary keynote debate #3: Can global learning metrics be pedagogically innovative?

Moderated by: Sherman Dorn

Panelists: Chris Higgins, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign; Radhika Gorur, Deakin University; Pasi Sahlberg, University of Helsinki

In the discussion of global learning metrics, the global data banks and the International Large-Scale Assessments (ILSAs) – so-called “big data” – have played a central role. While producing new information and important insights about educational systems and learning outcomes, the big data movement has serious limitations.The third keynote debate was structured around the following guiding questions: How well is big data suited to help us make decisions about improving teaching and learning in schools and classrooms? Do global learning metrics actually allow for pedagogical innovation or do they narrow pedagogical practices? What are alternative assessment and measurement tools that could complement global efforts of increasing educational access and outcomes, as well as improving teaching and learning?

Plenary keynote debate #4: Can global learning metrics be culturally responsive?

Moderated by: Gustavo E. Fischman

Panelists: Supriya Baily, George Mason University; Stafford Hood, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign; Hugh McLean, Open Society Foundations; J. Douglas Willms, University of New Brunswick

The concept of global learning metrics is based on the assumption that there is an agreement about what constitutes “good” and “quality” education worldwide. However, efforts to develop global learning metrics have often neglected the diversity of cultural contexts and educational systems. The symposium concluded with a debate about whether global learning metrics are culturally responsive. The panelists were asked to address the questions: Is there a global core of fundamental knowledge, skills and competencies that are relevant across different countries? How can GLMs capture the dynamics of race, ethnicity, class, gender, religion, and other factors that contribute to students’ cultural identities? More broadly, how can GLMs be more culturally responsive and relevant in the context of uneven power dynamics globally?

These four debates highlight some of the perspectives about the desirability and feasibility of GLMs, but there are many ways to approach the debate, and these diverse opinions will be featured in forthcoming blog posts.